2VIP Ward & Department of Clinical Nutrition & Cancer Bio-Immunotherapy Center, Fujian Cancer Hospital, Fuzhou, China6Department of Oncology, Tongji Hospital, Tongji Medical College, Huazhong University of Science and Technology, Wuhan, China8Oncology, The First Hospital of Jilin University, Changchun, China12Department of Medical Oncology, Fudan University Shanghai Cancer Center, Shanghai, China4First Chest Radiotherapy Department, Hunan Cancer Hospital, Changsha, China11Gyn-Surgical Oncology, Fujian Provincial Cancer Hospital, Fuzhou, China1Hepatopancreatobiliary Surgery, The First Affiliated Hospital of Medical School of Zhejiang University, Hangzhou, China13Oncology, The Fifth Medical Center of PLA General Hospital, Beijing, China7Medical Oncology, Anhui Provincial Hospital, Heifei, China15Department of Thoracic Surgery, Chinese Academy of Medical Sciences and Peking Union Medical College - National Cancer Center, Cancer Hospital, Beijing, China9Second Department of Thoracic Tumors, Peking University Cancer Hospital, Beijing, China17Clinical Development, Innovent Biologics, Inc., Beijing, China14Colorectal Surgery, The Sixth Affiliated Hospital of SYSU, Guangzhou, China10Department of Melanoma Oncology, The Third People's Hospital of Zhengzhou, Zhengzhou, China3Abdominal Medicine, Hubei Cancer Hospital, Wuhan, China5Phase I Clinical Research Center, Shandong First Medical University Affiliated Cancer Hospital/Shandong Cancer Hospital/Shandong Cancer Prevention and Treatment Research Institute, Jinan, China16Department of Head and Neck and Rare Oncology, Chinese Academy of Sciences Cancer Hospital of the University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Hangzhou, China
刊名
Annals of Oncology
年份
2024
ISSN
0923-7534
摘要
• Chapter 5 · Community 'Man is incapable of self-completion, and therefore never wholly predictable: a fallible, a complex com bination of opposites, some reconcilable, others inca pable of being resolved or harmonized; unable to cease from his search for truth, happiness, novelty, freedom, but with no guarantee, theological or logical or sci entific of being able to attain them: a free, imperfect being, capable of determining his own destiny in cir cumstances favorable to the development o...更多
• Chapter 5 · Community 'Man is incapable of self-completion, and therefore never wholly predictable: a fallible, a complex com bination of opposites, some reconcilable, others inca pable of being resolved or harmonized; unable to cease from his search for truth, happiness, novelty, freedom, but with no guarantee, theological or logical or sci entific of being able to attain them: a free, imperfect being, capable of determining his own destiny in cir cumstances favorable to the development of his reason and his gifts.' Sir Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on Liberty , p. 205 IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY SPRINGFIELD communal obligations were subordinated to individual needs. The town's inhabitants,far from reifying the concept of community, accepted the primacy of the individual family household as their dominant public value. The residents would cooperate with their neighbors when they had to, work in concert when it was necessary, or band together against outsiders when attacks came, but otherwise they concentrated on securingexclusively individualgoals.These goals were, first, to earn their daily bread and, second, to provide a patrimony for their children. And in both of these pursuits they relied not oncorporate solidarity, but on the maintenance of successful personal ties with the town's patron,John Pynchon. Non-familial relationshipswithin the community tended to be vertical, between patron and client, rather than horizontal, among neighbors of equal status. When someone needed work, land, credit, or adjudication of a conflict, he turned to Pynchon, not the town meeting. Rather than being an end in itself, community was the means to another end—personal advancement. Although the inhabitants publicly embraced the doctrine of the covenant, their central goals were rooted in the private acquisition of wealth. The 'Articles of 124 · Chapter 5 Agreement' foundingthe townin 1636 reflect these priorities.The settlers began by professing their fealty to God and to each other: 'We whose names are underwritten, being by God's providence engaged together to make a plantation atand overagainst Agawam upon Connecticut, do mutually agree to certain articles and orders to be observed and kept by us and by our successors.' Their first resolution was that 'We Intend by God's grace, as soon as we can, with all convenient speed, to procure some Godly and faithful minister with whom we purpose to join in church covenant to walk in all the ways of Christ.' But the remaining fifteen resolutions of thearticles pertain not to themoral orderingof agodly community, but rather tosundry formulaefor allocating homelots, upland, and pasture. The second resolution asserted that 'We intend that our town shall be composed of forty families, or, if we think meet after[ward] to alter our purpose, yet not to exceed the number of fifty families, rich and poor.' The expectation that the town would be composed of both 'rich and poor,' as we have seen, was pro phetic. The remaining resolutions divided up the shares of the town center , the 'cow pasture,' the 'Hassokey Marsh,' as wellas the various planting fields on the periphery of the center.1 As the pragmatic nature of its founding articles suggests, early Springfield bore litde resemblance to the subsistence-oriented cov enanted communities. It was nota 'peasant Utopia' or a'Christian Utopian Closed Corporate Community.' Nor was it a 'peaceable kingdom,' a 'one-class society,' a 'homogeneous communal unit' or a 'nucleated, open-field village.'2 The inhabitants of early Springfield would have looked with wonder on such characteri zations of their society. Their community was founded not as a peasant Utopia, but as a fur-trading post-. Although comprised of believing Christians, Springfield failed to make rigorous efforts to distinguish the unregeneratefrom the Visible Saints.3Significantly, the townsmen built a house of correction, as well as a church, to help promote an always precarious domestic tranquility. The com munity's inequitable land distribution patterns made tenancy and 1 'Articles of Agreement, Springfield, Massachusetts,' in John Demos, ed., Re markable Providences, 1600—1760, New York, 1972, pp. 53-56. 2 Lockridge, A New England Town, pp. 13, 16-17, 20, 167; Zuckerman, Peaceable Kingdoms, pp. 54, 143. 9 The town's earlychurch records havenot survived,but thehigh rate of antisocial behavior among freemen suggests that the requirements for church membership were notexcessively rigid. Foran examinationof religiousdiscord in theConnecticut Valley generally, see Paul R. Lucas, Valley of Discord: Church and Society along the Connecticut River, 1636—1725, Hanover, N. H., 1976. Community · 125 day收起
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